Wednesday, 20 March 2019

The Revolution Snuffed Out - The Centenary of Rosa Luxemburg

Many years ago, but at a time when I ought to have been a bit less ignorant, I attended a lot of films at the inaugural Dublin Film Festival, back when it was held at the Screen Cinema, just across the road from Trinity College where I was a student.  I saw Vincent Ward's extraordinary paean to the New Zealand  landscape, Vigil.  I embarrassed myself and my mother by insisting we see Rainer Werner Fassbender's last film, Querelle, little realising that it was an adaptation from Jean Genet's play and a sweaty and theatrical celebration of sex between men.  And I saw Margaretha von Trotta's Rosa Luxemburg, starring the great Barbara Sukowa. The same team more recently made another film about another great female philosopher, Hannah Arendt.  I knew nothing about Luxemburg at this time, or about the way that German society had hung in the balance between left and right in the wake of the First World War.  But it's a compelling film about an extraordinarily charismatic and courageous woman, and it's stayed with me ever since.

Verso has published two books, in particular, to mark Luxemburg's centenary: a short account of her death, with Karl Liebknecht, at the hands of the Freikorps in 1919; and JP Nettl's enormous but highly regarded biography.  I got my hot little hands on a copy of the biography a few weeks ago, and maybe I'll get my act together in the summer and actually read it.  But for now, I must depend on lesser and shorter accounts of Rosa, and her life, and her dreams.    Here is some of what I've been reading:



A Land of Boundless Possibilities - Peter Hudis on Rosa Luxemburg




Friday, 8 March 2019

International Women's Day 2019


Few things are more dispiriting to the Irish university worker - male or female - than realising that third level education in Ireland is presided over by Mary Mitchell O'Connor, one of the dimmest, least articulate, yet most pompously self-regarding non-entities to grace the Fine Gael benches.  We find the true depths of the contempt in which our colleges and universities are held by the current government in its placing of Irish higher education in the stewardship of this gormless mannequin.

Her most recent statement in public - there don't seem to be that many, probably because her colleagues do have some sense of how muddled and incompetent she is -  was the firecracker a few days ago that International Women's Day had become an opportunity for people - mostly women, presumably - to 'skive off'.  To be frank, anyone would want to call in sick after listening for more than 30 seconds to Minister Mitchell O'Connor, and while she claims to have an interest in gender equality, she's also content to utter lazy slurs on those women lower on the ladder than herself.

Maybe, of course, it's the origins of International Women's Day in the Russian Revolution that Minister Mitchell O'Connor can't stand - if she's even aware of the fact.  But that seems all the more reason to celebrate the day, and to celebrate the women of real talent out there who are shaping and re-shaping our world.

The brilliant and appropriate image above comes from my comrade Paola Rivetti.  I provide some good reading for the day that's in it, here below:

From Verso:


International Women's Day reading list!


Tuesday, 5 March 2019

Macron's Muddle - Anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism

France has the largest Jewish minority of any European country.  Its record of Judeophobia during the Second World War, under the auspices of the criminal Vichy regime, was sinister and ugly.  Denial and complicity goes to the very top of French society - Francois Mitterand, for example, defended Maurice Papon, who as police prefect of Bordeaux presided over the deportation of thousands of French Jews during the Occupation.

After the war, France was closely allied to Israel.  It took part in the abortive and unprovoked attack on Egypt in 1956 to wrest control of the canal zone from Nasser's government.  It was Israel's principal armourer, until after the 1967 war.  Israel began its nuclear programme with French assistance in reactor technology in the 1950s.  

France still disports itself as an ally of Israel.  It is in this light that one must read President Macron's determination for anti-Zionism to be conflated with anti-Semitism in French law.   It's also in this light that one must remember the crass and boorish presence of Netanyahu, pushing his way to the front of the massive government-organised rally to protest at the Charlie Hebdo massacre in 2015, and then a few days later suggesting that Jews, no longer safe in France, should take part in the in-gathering to Israel.  

Shlomo Sand, an abrasive but fearless Israeli historian, courted controversy some years ago with his book The Invention of the Jewish People.  In scholarly terms, the controversy should have been a storm in a teacup: Sand was not doing much more than applying the ideas and methods of the great wave of Anglophone scholarship on nationalism of the 1980s (Anderson, Gellner, Hobsbawm, Hroch) to the history of the Jewish people, showing that Zionism, in common with many other ethnic nationalisms, created an 'invented tradition' by way of a retrojected story of Jewish coherence and unity.   He's recently published a powerful book on the fall of the great French intellectuals from the philosophical heights of Derrida, Deleuze and Foucault 25 years ago to the idiocy of BHL and the Islamophobia of Alain Finkielkraut today.  Here he is on Macron's new policy - from the Verso site:


And some more writing on the 'new anti-Semitism' and its relationship to Israel today, also from Verso:

Tariq Ali: Notes on Anti-Semitism, Zionism and Palestine

Monday, 25 February 2019

Foucault



If there is an intellectual tradition to which I feel a particularly close affiliation, it is the Marxist tradition.  I have read more in this tradition  - in philosophy, in literary criticism, in historiography, in sociology, in political theory - than in any other.  I helped organise a large conference last year in Maynooth University to mark the old man's 200th birthday.  I have taught classes and courses on Marx and his inheritors - Adorno, Lukacs, Gramsci and Jameson.   Yet I am not always confident enough to call myself 'a Marxist'.   This is due to at least two factors: 1) the child's or student's sense that he is likely to be found out, at some point, by someone more knowledgeable than himself; 2) my curiosity about other traditions, my wish to keep myself open to other modes of thought or politics that are left-of-centre.  So I am fickle enough, or liberal enough, to wish to understand liberalism or anarchism or feminisms.  And I retain an intense interest in and admiration of Michel Foucault.

Of all  the great generation of French thinkers of the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, it has been Foucault who has remained an abiding fascination to me.  And of all this generation - Deleuze, Derrida, Lacan, Levi-Strauss, Althusser, Barthes, Lyotard, Bourdieu - it's been Foucault's work which I have read the most, and from which I have learned most.

This in spite of the fact that  Foucault himself was in many ways an aggressively anti-Marxist thinker.  Like many leftists of his generation, in France and elsewhere, Foucault had an early connection with Marxism, and much of his work is redolent with Marxist vocabulary and indeed Marxist themes.  But his brief membership of the PCF ended when the USSR violently suppressed the Hungarian uprising of 1956, and Foucault, in his brilliant way, had only contempt for Marxism thereafter.  It was, he scornfully opined, irredeemably a philosophy of the nineteenth century.  Foucault was intensely interested in history - it is his histories, if one can call them that, of insanity and psychiatry, of criminology and penology, of medicine, and of sexology, which we remember him for for now.  But, as Edward Said realised quickly, Foucault had no interest in 'History': any kind of divination in the historical evidence of 'grand narratives' or a totalizing architecture, any kind of optimistic patterning of a Hegelian or Marxist kind was something against which he set his face with the greatest resolution.  So Foucault was not an orthodox historian at all, and both Marxist and more conventional positivist historians expended (and still expend) large amounts of energy attacking him for his strange evidence and tendentious interpretations (yet what interest is there in any interpretation of the data of social or cultural history that is not in some way 'tendentious'?).  Foucault was rather, certainly by the 1970s, a Nietzschean genealogist, someone who wanted to undermine the Whiggish tendency in conventional historiography by thinking of historical processes not as the outworking of great ideas (liberty, democracy, enlightenment) or as the struggle of the oppressed for freedom or as the expansion of a 'mode of production', but rather as confused fields of force.  History writing, therefore, was a matter of reading texts and archives as palimpsests, scored over and torn by multiple energies and agencies.   The genealogist needed to be able to read in lateral or even reversed ways, as well as searching for conventional developmental patterns. And the knowledge thus produced must always be understood as perspectival,  partial, as the product of an interest, of an angle, even as a weapon: never a transcendent value in itself.  'Knowledge', Foucault declared, and one can imagine the mischievous, wolfish smile, 'is for cutting'.

Foucault's own life was equally remarkable.  He was born into an irreproachably bourgeois or haut-bourgeois family in Poitiers, but he left his home, ground his way through the machine that is the elite French training of philosophers at the great lycées of Paris and then at the École normale supérieure, and emerged in the 1960s as one of the major figures of the Parisian philosophical and literary avant-garde.  Yet, though it was in this decade that he published the epochal books that  made his name - History of Madness, The Birth of the Clinic and The Order of Things - he also spent some of this time as a peripatetic cultural official and agent, working for the French government in Poland, Germany and Sweden.  In 1966 he took up a position at the University of Clermont-Ferrand (though he commuted there from Paris).  When his lover Daniel Defert was deployed to Tunisia as part of his national service, Foucault taught at the University of Tunis for two years. In 1970, he was elected to a chair at the College de France in Paris, and he finally found his place, becoming an icon - for once the term's use is justified - of the city's intellectual life, protesting for prisoners' and gay people's rights, and delivering public lecture series which were attended by thousands.

Foucault died of AIDS in 1984.  He was only 57.  Since his death, though he had enjoined his friends not to play Max Brod to his Kafka and for no more of his work to be published, a slow trickle of his lectures, scattered essays and seminars has turned into a flood.  The fourth volume of the History of Sexuality has recently been published, and all thirteen of his College de France lecture series.  Foucault remains our contemporary in multifarious ways.  He is still a thinker to reckon with.  And he was a great writer, too.  Back in 2000, relaunching the New Left Review, Perry Anderson argued that it should be a matter of honour for those thinking, writing, teaching on the Left to write as well as or better than their antagonists.  Foucault - in his extraordinary account of the 'great confinement' in History of Madness, or his reading of Velazquez's Las  Meninas at the opening of The Order of Things, or his depiction of the torture and execution of Damiens in Discipline and Punish - is an exemplar of that standard.

Thomas Lemke is one of Foucault's most  important interpreters in Germany.  Here is an extract from his major study of Foucault, now published for the first time in English by Verso Books:



Foucault's Immanent Contradictions



Conor

Sunday, 27 January 2019

Holocaust

Today is Holocaust Memorial Day.  In yesterday's Irish Times, articles were published including a piece by the liberal Zionist and gallery owner Oliver Sears, whose mother is a Holocaust survivor, and an interview with American historian Deborah Lipstadt by Hugh Linehan.   The interview with Lipstadt - who is best known for her legal confrontation with the Holocaust denier David Irving - is rather too gentle with her willingness to conflate anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism.

There simply is no doubt that this conflation is widely used nowadays to police dissent on the policies and nature of the State of  Israel.  Israel has successfully 'weaponised' the Holocaust and its commemoration as cover for  objectionable elements of its foreign policy.  So,  in the same Irish Times in recent days,  we have been told that the Israeli government has given Ireland's ambassador in Tel Aviv a severe dressing down because of the discussion in Dail Eireann of Senator Frances Black's Control of Economic Activity (Occupied Territories) Bill.  The Israeli government deems the bill 'anti-Semitic'.   It seems not to understand that  the Irish government is itself against the bill but that in a parliamentary democracy of the kind Israel so often wishes to proclaim itself an exemplar, a government cannot necessarily (fortunately) dictate what bills are brought forward by the opposition.

Commemoration is always political, as we know very well in Ireland.    The Holocaust must be remembered,  but it should not be hypostatized into an historically unapproachable, transcendental and ontologically unique event which is beyond analysis.  Arno Mayer is one of the great historians of the Nazi extermination of European Jews.  Here he considers this issue in an essay reflecting in 1989 on his masterpiece Why Did The Heavens Not Darken?


Memory and History: On the Poverty of Remembering and Forgetting the Judeocide

Monday, 10 December 2018

The Gilets Jaunes Stop France In Its Tracks - Has The Insurrection Arrived?

Another long gap in this blog.   I've had a tough and unpleasant autumn,  personally and professionally.  Believe me.

I'll be in Paris in a few weeks.  I look forward to it immensely.  The city enthralls me.  But, though I am as susceptible to the romance of Paris, to the myths of Paris, as anyone (or more than most), I must also acknowledge that the city - for most visitors this is the city inside the périphérique ring highway - is a beautiful fortress.  Outside the walls dwell the latter-day serfs whose often grim, often impoverished, often bleak lives constitute the conditions of possibility for the world of the boulevards and the cafes and the myths.  Just as fewer and fewer working class or lower-middle class persons can now afford to live on the island of Manhattan in New York, so fewer and fewer of the ordinary workers one meets in Paris - the hotel receptionist or the women who clean your rooms, the bus drivers or shop workers, the men selling food on the sidewalks or at the metro entrances, the brisk waiters, the students - fewer and fewer of these people can afford to live within the modern walls of Paris, inside the ring road.  They commute in the shadowy dawn, long journeys by RER or Métro or  bus, hours on end, to make the city possible for someone like me.

Some of those people go to make up the gilets jaunes.  Some of these people are increasingly politicized, although in ways which the mainstream cannot or will not recognise.  Even Macron's apparently apologetic speech of December 10 does not really show much understanding of what faces him.

The protests may yet sputter and die, though they've appeared not only in Paris but in cities all over the country.  Their first strength may also be their last weakness - their spontaneity, their lack of structure.   It is not yet clear if the crowds can become a party.

Some reading to help us understand this moment - a moment which perhaps has been coming for decades.  The Verso site has posted a great deal of valuable commentary, which I'll put up here:



Posterity and Revolutionary Citizenship


Towards an Anti-Bourgeois Bloc?


Fréderic Lordon, economist and philosopher at the CNRS and a leader of the Nuit Debout movement: 

End of the World?


A Lesson in How Not to Mitigate Climate Change


The Yellow Vest: A Floating Signifier


The great autonomist Marxist Antonio Negri - one of the stars of the wonderful Marx conference held at Maynooth in May of this year: 

French Insurrection


The incomparable Eric Hazan, author of The Invention of Paris and founder of La Fabrique, which publishes the work of the Invisible Committee: 

Tuesday, 21 August 2018

Diary - August: reading the silly season from the standpoint of damaged life

I have not written for a long time.   Usual excuses. I have been reading as keenly as I am capable, though: Sholokhov's Quietly Flows the Don, Colette's Chéri, Sade's Justine (first version), Eimear McBride's A Girl Is A Half-Formed Thing.  I have been getting into Lock's monumental biography of Burke, and started Seven Pillars of Wisdom recently.  My problem is usually that I behave like the kid in the sweet shop, who cannot choose and wants everything.  So I read multiple books at the same time, all of them rather slowly.  And then I start to polish them off.

I am nearly finished Thomas Docherty's rich and fascinating Aesthetic Democracy.   Here Docherty, my old teacher and one of Britain's most powerful scholars of criticism as such, argues that art, more particularly literary reading, feeds into, enables, creates conditions of possibility for, democracy.  His argument sounds a little like that of Friedrich Schiller, in his Letters on the Aesthetic Education of Man, but it's edgier, more radical, less in hock to the mainstream or an idealised concept of the state.   I am reading this book, which dates from 2006, in preparation for Docherty's more inflammatory The New Treason of the Intellectuals (published in June), his latest grenade lobbed into discussion of the future of the humanistic university.  No better or more trenchant reader of these problematics can currently be found.  

I am nearly finished finally reading some of the work of the Invisible Committee, a collective of anonymous far-left radicals in France, associated with the Tarnac Nine.  The Coming Insurrection, published originally by Eric Hazan's wonderful imprint La Fabrique, offers a blistering critique of contemporary French society, drawing on the resources of the Marxist tradition and Critical Theory, but also borrowing from the avant-gardes and the Situationists.  

I am slowly reading Neve Gordon's book Israel's Occupation, a formidably detailed account of the nature and thinking of the Israeli 'occupation' of the West Bank, Gaza and the Golan (and initially Sinai, too).  Every successive page of Gordon's analysis, which borrows both from Agamben and Foucault, confirms one's instinct that the 'occupation' is not and never has been 'temporary', but is simply a conquest.   

Some additional reading to annoy your friends, break-up dinner-parties, or piss off your lovers:

David Bromwich on Trump (I wish Bromwich would stop writing his splendid political essays, and finish his biography of Burke) - from the London Review of Books:


Also from the LRB, a corrective to the liberal and  lachrymose waffling on the demise of Kofi Annan (I nearly ran into some of his fellow quasi-plutocratic 'Elders' on Nassau St the other day - Mary and Nicholas Robinson). Perry Anderson wields the knife:

My comrade and friend Raymond Deane has published a superb account of the operations of Holocaust guilt and philo-Israeli censoriousness to regulate classical music in Germany: