Tuesday, 7 March 2023

The Dark Side of Enlightenment - A Century of the Institut fur Sozialforschung




As Irish society trumpets its modernity, progressivism and liberalism ever more loudly, a 'ruthless criticism of everything now existing' remains an intellectual and scholarly imperative.    Irish take-up of the ideas of the famous Frankfurt School, at any of its various stages and manifestations, from Horkheimer to Honneth, has been patchy or sporadic.   But the work of this school of critical theory is a huge resource for anyone wishing to cut beneath the Irish Times platitudes that represent serious social and political thinking in Ireland today.  




Here is an article, at the excellent Boston Review, by a leading American inheritor of the Frankfurt School legacy, Seyla Benhabib, to mark the centenary:


Below the Asphalt Lies the Beach







And here is an excerpt from Martin Jay's classic history of the Frankfurt School, The Dialectical Imagination:


Conor

Friday, 24 February 2023

Criticism in a Crisis - Thinking Ukraine and Russia

 As we pass the anniversary of Russia's recent invasion of Ukraine, it is harder and harder to find space in the public sphere and the public discussion where viewpoints other than the liberal consensus can be expressed.    By 'the liberal consensus', I mean the broad tendency in the EU and the United States, as far as I can see, to consider the crisis to be one entirely of Russia's making; to be without context or history or backstory; to be driven by a single psychopathic leader, Vladimir Putin; and to be resolvable principally by war.  Ukraine must prevail, this line of thinking goes, Putin must fall, Russian military capacity must be destroyed, and a nice new leader must take power in Moscow.



The problem with this line of thinking is its utterly un-reflexive nature.   At no point in this ideological framework is any blundering or culpability or greed or strategizing by the United States, other great powers, NATO or the European Union considered or even imagined.    Specious historical analogies are drawn - so we have Michael McDowell (not a stupid man, by any means) comparing the current moment to - wait for it - Munich 1938.  This is what passes for intelligent and historically-minded 'analysis' in the  Irish Times, the Irish 'newspaper of record'.   Or we get the same Irish Times carrying an ignorant and superficial 'critique' of John Mearsheimer's writing about Russia and Ukraine by the Financial Times columnist (and Orwell Prize winner, God help us) Gideon Rachman, which ignores Mearsheimer's valuable scholarship and portrays him as a 'useful idiot' for Russia and China.   One can only conclude that the likes of McDowell and Rachman are 'useful idiots' for NATO and the United States' proxy war against Russia.




Amidst the wreckage on the intellectual landscape, the odd beacon still stands.  Mearsheimer himself is attractively irrepressible.   His colleague Stephen Walt likewise.   In Britain, Anatol and Dominic Lieven, major historians of Russia and of the former USSR, have been voices of integrity and nuance.   Here are articles by each of them.

First, Anatol Lieven in today's Guardian:


And an interview with Dominic Lieven, from December last:


Dominic Lieven: 'It's Against Ukraine's Interest To Take Back Crimea' (rferl.org)


Conor

Monday, 20 February 2023

Blowing Up the Blowhards? - Seymour Hersh on Nordstream




Seymour Hersh is one of America's greatest investigative journalists.  He'll always be remembered as the writer who exposed the My Lai massacre of hundreds of Vietnamese civilians by American soldiers in 1968.   But his work has continued ever since.   For me, his book on the secret Israeli nuclear programme, The Samson Option (1991) has been particularly important but his work has covered multiple issues and crises.

Hersh has now published an article on the destruction of the Nordstream gas pipeline, joining Russia and Germany, last September.   We've been told that this action was perpetrated by Russian saboteurs.   Hersh is arguing differently.   His story has a significant weakness - its dependence on one source.   But the flak he has taken in just days since its publication suggests that he has touched a nerve, and penetrated some of the propaganda murk which swirls around the apparent moral and political clarity with which the Ukraine war is discussed.

Here is an interview with Hersh, with hyperlinks to his article, published by Sidecar, the New Left Review blog.  It makes interesting reading.

Conor


How to Blow Up a Pipeline

An interview with Seymour Hersh.

Wednesday, 15 February 2023

The Political Unconscious of Education - an interview with Jacques Ranciere




Recently, I read Pierre Bourdieu's short Sketch Towards A Self-Analysis, which portrays his own passage through the French education system.   What jumps out from Bourdieu's book is the enormous ressentiment which drove him, a feeling based on his class location as a child, and his felt marginality vis-a-vis the Paris intelligentsia when at the Ecole Normale Supérieure.   The product, therefore, was a non-intellectual intellectual, or an intellectual who rejected the given French models of intellectuality.  It was enhanced further by Bourdieu's pursuit of a career in the discipline of sociology, as against the more prestigious philosophy, and it helped to make Bourdieu's rich and revealing work on education, culture, and the production of what he famously called 'cultural capital'.




This same outsider's scepticism is expressed in this short but very interesting interview with Jacques Ranciere.   Ranciere, a philosopher from the world which Bourdieu excoriated, has his own uneasy relationship with that world - part of the Althusser circle which produced Lire le Capital, he later made his own break with Althusser and forged his own path in a leftist philosophy based in archival research and a renewed sense of history.

This interview comes from the Verso website:





Conor

Thursday, 27 October 2022

Mike Davis - the real McCoy




One of the great figures of the American New Left, Mike Davis, has died.  He was 76 and had been fighting with laryngeal cancer for several years.  

I first encountered Davis's work when I read his monumental and brilliant history of Los Angeles, City of Quartz, as a graduate student at Sussex.  I was already interested (but characteristically under-read) in the growing field of Marxist urbanism and geography - featuring writers such as Neil Smith, David Harvey and Edward Soja.   Davis was less a theorist than a historian, but it was always clear that he was steeped in the Marxist tradition, and also that he matched Marx and Engels's marvellous mix of intellectual penetration and omnivorous erudition.   City of Quartz is a history which the novelist James Ellroy and the film-maker Michael Mann would find conducive - a stylish, unblinking exposure of the dark seamy side of the City of Angels, where the American dream is subtended by boosterism, hyper-capitalism, immigration, a notoriously corrupt police force and environmental degradation on an epic scale.   Yet Davis clearly loved Los Angeles, and was endlessly curious about how it worked, its industrial zones as much as its faux Latin suburbs.   If Mann - hardly a leftwing filmmaker - can make thrillers which are also visual paeans to LA's nightscapes, its highways, container farms, warehouses - films like Heat and Collateral - these elements of the megalopolis's anatomy, its skeleton, musculature and innards, also fascinated Davis.

What I didn't know at the time was that City of Quartz was the work of a writer already creating a torrent of essays and books which joyfully, contentiously ignored scholarly boundaries and caused trouble everywhere.    Written in a deliciously mordant, pithy, ruthless noir prose, Davis was on course to become not only the greatest chronicler of the American working class (Prisoners of the American Dream), but also a radical scholar of disaster - Ecology of Fear and Late Victorian Holocausts stand out.    He anticipated global health catastrophe (The Monster Enters), and wrote a brilliant study of the car-bomb (Buda's Wagon).   Even more, Davis was always conscious of the poisoned nexus between capitalism and the environment: he skewered 'green capitalism' before it even had a name.   And he could write the most scathing polemic - 'The Case for Letting Malibu Burn', a chapter of Ecology of Fear, argued that municipal fire safety budgets would be better spent on protecting poor inner-city districts than on preparing to rescue the pampered idiots who had built themselves ugly mansions in remote hillside fire-zones. 

Davis was not only an original scholar but also could absorb, summarize and render accessible the discourses and ideas of disciplines far from his own.   For me, the stand-out here might be 'Cosmic Dancers on History's Stage?  The Permanent Revolution in the Earth Sciences', an extraordinary article surveying, condensing and extrapolating from recent scholarship in earth science.   Most striking in this essay was its explanation of 'coherent catastrophism' - the theory that the planet's geological, biological and maybe even human history has evolved in a complex rhythm shaped in part by elements external to the system - principally, asteroid or comet hits.    




Davis was an activist and union organiser long before he became a scholar, and his work was always firmly grounded in the political realities of the American left.   Although he held academic positions, he also was a MacArthur grant winner, which allowed him a freedom of manoeuvre in intellectual and research terms.   But Davis was a tough driven man, who would always have made his own way.    More than most left scholars, he retained a strong sense of the necessary relationship between putatively 'radical' scholarship, and the nitty-gritty street-fighting world of organisation, campaigning and protest.   A figure of the 'New Left', he never lost touch with the 'old left' of his parents' generation, and he always realised that the academy and the street sit in a dynamic relationship, where the latter is most often in the van.   Here he is, on being called an 'old school socialist':

First, socialism — the belief that the earth belongs to labor — is my moral being. In fact, it is my religion, the values that anchor the commitments that define my life.

Second, “old school” implies putting in work year after year for the good cause. In academia one runs across people who call themselves Marxists and go to lots of conferences but hardly ever march on a picket line, go to a union meeting, throw a brick or simply help wash the dishes after a benefit. What’s even worse, they deign to teach us the “real Marx” but lack the old Moor’s fundamental respect for individual working people and his readiness to become a poor outlaw on their behalf.

Finally, plain “socialist” expresses identification with the broad movement and the dream rather than with a particular program or camp. I have strong, if idiosyncratic, opinions on all the traditional issues — for example, the necessity of an organization of organizers (call it Leninism, if you want) but also the evils of bureaucracy and permanent leaderships (call it anarchism if you wish) — but I try to remind myself that such positions need to be constantly reassessed and calibrated to the conjuncture. One is always negotiating the slippery dialectic between individual reason, which must be intransigently self-critical, and the fact that one needs to be part of a movement or a radical collective in order, as Sartre put it, to “be in history.” Moral dilemmas and hard choices come with the turf and they cannot be evaded with “correct lines.”


Mike Davis was one of the greatest exemplars of the scholar-agitator of recent times.   His death is a huge loss; his work remains a resource to be treasured. 


Conor   


Here is some material by and about Davis:


Obituaries


The Nation  Mike Davis: 1946–2022


The Los Angeles Times    


Arellano: Mike Davis’ final email to me reminded me to write, not mourn


Tariq Ali, for Verso Books


A brilliant radical reporter with a novelist’s eye and ain

Micah Uetricht, at Jacobin


Tuesday, 25 October 2022

Badiou on Ukraine - a prophet without honour in his own time




Just as the Russian invasion of Ukraine began, in February, I had planned to blog about the possibility of war.   I failed to do so - a position of intellectual caution, alas.   Writing or speaking in any way critically of Western policy on Ukraine and Russia has proven, unsurprisingly, not to be the best avenue to the quiet or contemplative life.

An exemplar to the contrary, but ahead of his time, was Alain Badiou, the veteran French philosopher and unrepentant Maoist.    Here is an article he wrote in 2014 - at the time of the coup (usually known as the Maidan rebellion) which brought Zelensky's predecessor to power in that country.    It's well worth revisiting now, as we live with wall-to-wall liberal militancy and mouth-frothing 'I told you so'-ism.   

More on this topic soon -

Conor


"A present defaults – unless the crowd declares itself": Alain Badiou on Ukraine, Egypt and finitude

Monday, 10 October 2022

Thinking the Revolution - A review of Richard Bourke and Niamh Gallagher's The Political Thought of the Irish Revolution

 Ireland, in spite or even because of its claim to a great literary culture, is not a country much associated with intellectuals.   Two of the country's greatest writers, Jonathan Swift and Edmund Burke, can justly be called anti-intellectual intellectuals, with their scabrous and ferociously negative portrayals of 'projectors' (Swift) and the revolutionary cabals of the philosophes (Burke).  In the annals of intellectuals dealing in politics, one thinks of O'Connell's brilliant but cruel evisceration of Thomas Davis.   The great cultural revival of the late 19th century was built on the work of scholars, antiquarians, critics, archaeologists, but it is Yeats and Synge whom we now remember.   




It was the signal achievement in more recent times of the late and sadly lamented Seamus Deane to assert the equality - at the very least in his own work - of scholarship and critique with literary activity and expression.    A significant poet and the author of one very fine novel, Deane nevertheless poured the primary energy of his career into scholarship and criticism of the highest order.   Unlike many of his peers, Deane was never afraid to consider Irish literature as a zone not only of aesthetic representation or experience, but of intellectual and even ideological exploration and activism.    He was, therefore, our premier historian of ideas.   

Richard Bourke, a one-time student of Deane's at UCD, has in the course of his career picked up the baton and forced the issue of intellectual history into that amorphous zone, 'Irish Studies', with a rigour and seriousness still rare among his contemporaries.    His most recent book, an anthology entitled The Political Thought of the Irish Revolution, published in an illustrious Cambridge series, and edited with Niamh Gallagher, not only pushes the matter further still, but extends it to pedagogical ends and to a wide readership.   Here the reader will find between the same covers a wide variety of Irish political writing and thinking, of the left and of the right, in defence of the Union, and in condemnation of it.




I review this rich and fascinating collection in the current Dublin Review of Books.   My thanks, as ever, go to Maurice Earls for making this review possible.


Conor


The Primacy of Politics