Monday 29 November 2021

Emergency Aesthetics - Seamus Deane's Small World

 In 1988 or 1989, I attended a one day conference on 'theory and teaching' at University College Dublin.  A group of TCD friends and I, all of us galvanised by our experience of 'literary theory' and also by a particularly approachable and enthusiastic teacher, went to the Arts Building in Belfield, and watched a gallery of notable Irish or Ireland-based scholars - Declan Kiberd, Ciaran Cosgrove, Thomas Docherty among them - exploring the implications of bringing theoretical discussions into their pedagogy.   

Towards the end of the day, sessions were collapsed into one large plenary, in one of those vertiginous and steep-sided theatres on the main Arts Building concourse.    The participants did not fill the theatre so we were encouraged to come down to the front rows of seating.    At some point, I became aware of a speaker who was still seated in the upper levels of the theatre.   The voice was quiet, confident, Northern.    I did not know who the speaker was, and I admit that I can't remember what he was saying, but what was instantly noticeable was that no-one else in the room - not even the star guest of the day, Terry Eagleton - was listened to with the same rapt attention.   It was a stunning performance.   The speaker, I later learned, was Seamus Deane.


I subsequently got to know Seamus a little when I took a Master's degree in English at UCD, under his tutelage and that of Kiberd, Docherty, Michael Paul Gallagher and Brian Cosgrove.   It was a year that decided my career.   I went on to write about his work extensively.   I am still learning from it and from his example.

Seamus Deane died on May 12 last.   I did not know him well, but I felt a great loss at his departure.   Seamus could be remote, he could be intimidating, he could be genial, and he could be hilarious.   But there was no other intellectual in Ireland quite like him - massive range, penetrating insight, and a hint of steel in his sense of the politics of ideas.   During my MA year I wrote an essay for him on Foucault and Habermas.  I was on tenterhooks as I went to discuss the essay draft one day, and I was certainly nervous seated across the table from him in his office, even as I was electrified at the seriousness with which he took the work.   But at the end of the session, he smiled at me and said quietly, 'I think this essay is very promising'.  I floated out of the room on a wave of confidence and pleasure.

At the point of his death, Seamus was about to publish a large retrospective collection of his essays, which he had assembled with the aid of my colleague Joe Cleary.   Sadly, Seamus did not live to see his book published.   His death was greeted by a great run of memories of his dazzling lectures, and his uncompromising valorisation of critique as such.

I have just published a review of the book, Small World: Ireland 1798 - 2018 at the Los Angeles Review of Books.   The LARB is a splendid journal, younger than the New York Review of Books or the London Review of Books, but much more radical and more open to new writers and new ideas.   I am indebted to David Lloyd, Tom Lutz, Boris Dralyuk, Rob Latham and Cord Brookes for making this review possible.   Special thanks to Rob for his editorial skills and his patience. 

Conor  


Saturday 13 November 2021

Edward Said as Activist - an essay in Jacobin

 Edward Said was and remains famous as a major American (and indeed, global) intellectual - a scholar-academic who stepped outside of his professional expertise in comparative literature to intervene in important discussions about Palestine, the wider Middle East, Islam, Zionism and Israel, American foreign policy, imperialism, justice and democracy.   His books most often split his academic concerns from his political ones, though a couple - most famously Orientalism - brought those interests together.   But in the early 1970s, Said could still describe himself as a kind of split personality, a Homo Duplex as Conrad called himself, who did everyday academic things in his workplace but who had all sorts of complex and controversial Middle Eastern connections.   



Timothy Brennan's recent biography of Said,  Places of Mind, tells us something rather different.   Said was, from the late 1960s on, an inveterate activist, organiser, facilitator, agitator, networker, on Palestinian and Arab issues in the United States and also in the Middle East.   Not merely this, but the activist work was not at all a contradiction or a mere sideline to the scholarly work - rather the academic work found one of its most important roots in his activism.   Writing and reading, the production and reception of texts - be those texts a policy statement or newspaper op-ed, or the most refined and arcane works of literature or philosophy - was to be understood, Said argued, as a 'worldly', streetwise, consequential activity.   



I have just published an essay on this theme in Jacobin, America's best leftwing magazine.    Warm thanks are due to Daniel Finn for inviting me to do this work, and for his support and patience in its production.   


Edward Said Showed Intellectuals How to Bring Politics to Their Work


Conor

Friday 3 September 2021

Edward Said - Life and Critique





All my readers know that I am a keen reader and admirer of Edward Said.   I've been reading his work for a long time, and I've written about his work a fair bit.    So I've also got a good grip on the expanding literature on Said.   And in that literature, no writer has been of greater importance for me than Timothy Brennan.   A former student of Said's, Brennan has been writing intelligently and in an original way about Said since the early 1990s.   In a body of work which is still often composed of ideological or disciplinary policing of Said - he is insufficiently Marxist or Foucauldian, or his readings of Dickens or Austen or Kipling displease the professional Victorianists or theorists of the novel - Brennan's essays and treatments of Said have always stood out as reaching beyond these local critiques and taking hold of the major issues at stake in his work and positions.   This is not to say that Brennan has been uncritical - as a Marxist scholar, he has taken Said's partial appropriations of Lukacs, Gramsci or Adorno on and pointed out his weaknesses with a finely judged mix of rigour and sympathy.




Accordingly, when I learned a few years ago that Brennan was writing a biography of Said, I was very excited (not to mention a little envious).   Here was a writer who I felt could do justice to the wide range of Said's interests and activities.   And Places of Mind: A Life of Edward Said is no disappointment - it powerfully and often radically illuminates aspects of Said's work and thought which have mostly hitherto been hidden.    No one book that is not of Proustian proportions could cover 'all' of Said's life, thoughts or doings.   Timothy Brennan's book gives us a rich portrait to learn from and explore.   

I've reviewed this book for the redoubtable Dublin Review of Books, Ireland's best literary journal.    Warm thanks go to Maurice Earls for his help in making this review possible.    

Conor


Intellectual Insurrection


Thursday 2 September 2021

Academics and intellectuals - Adorno, eyes, and splinters



Dear old Teddy. His sheer grumpiness, his sheer will to look at the world and its phenomena not just from one angle, not just from two angles, but perpetually from multiple angles - his prismatic vision - remains an inspiration at a time when 'scholarly work' consists more and more of dreary truisms and moralisms, delivered in the boilerplate prose of managed automatons. Adorno holds all such threats at bay. Here he is pouring scorn on the academic world of late capitalism. He may have written this - Section 84 of Minima Moralia - in the middle 1940s, but the integrity of his vision remains, and remains compelling. 

Conor 

Timetable. – Few things differentiate the mode of life appropriate to intellectuals so deeply from that of the bourgeoisie than the fact that the former do not recognize the alternative between labor and pleasure. The labor which need not, in order to cope with reality, initially do all the evil to its subject, which it later does to others, is pleasure even in the desperate exertion. The freedom, which it means, is the same which bourgeois society reserves solely for recuperation and through such regimentation at once takes back. Conversely, those who know of freedom find everything about what this society tolerates as pleasure unbearable, and outside of their work, which to be sure includes what the bourgeoisie displace to the holidays as “culture,” refuse to engage in substitute pleasures. “Work while you work, play while you play” [in English in original] – this counts as one of the founding principles of repressive self-discipline. The parents who wanted their children to bring home good grades as a matter of prestige, could least bear it when the latter read too long at night or, in the parents’ judgment, intellectually overexerted themselves. Yet out of their foolishness spoke the genius of their class. The doctrine drilled in since Aristoteles, of moderation as the virtue befitting reason, is among other things an attempt, to establish the socially necessary division of human beings into functions independent of each other so firmly that none of these functions would get the idea of crossing over to others and calling to mind actual human beings. One could no more imagine Nietzsche in an office, the secretary answering the telephone in the foyer, sitting at a desk until five, than playing golf after a full days work. Under the pressure of society, only the cunning intertwining of happiness and labor would leave the door open for actual experience. It is constantly less tolerated. Even the so-called intellectual occupations are being utterly divested of pleasure, by their increasing resemblance to business. Atomization advances not only between human beings, but also in the single individual [Individuum: individuated], in its life-spheres. No fulfillment may be attached to labor, which would otherwise lose its functional obscurity in the totality of purpose, no spark of sensibility [Besinnung] may fall in free time, because it might spring into the work-world and set it aflame. While labor and pleasure are becoming more and more similar in their structure, they are at the same time separated ever more strictly by invisible lines of demarcation. Pleasure and Spirit [Geist] are being driven out of both in equal measure. In one as the other, brute seriousness and pseudo-activity prevails.

Wednesday 28 July 2021

Places of Mind - Timothy Brennan and Conor McCarthy on Edward Said - a Zoom webinar Thursday July 29, 2021

 



Hello friends and comrades

Though the notice is short, I'd like to alert you all to a booklaunch event organised by the  AM Qattan Foundation to mark the publication of Timothy Brennan's biography of Edward Said, Places of  Mind: A life of Edward Said (Bloomsbury), published last March.   The AM Qattan Foundation is a Palestinian NGO headquartered in Ramallah, in the West Bank.    

The event will consist of Professor Brennan presenting his work, and then engaging in some discussion with me, before general questions.    Anybody and everybody is welcome.   

The event will take place at 6pm Palestine time, which is 4pm Irish time, tomorrow Thursday July 29, 2021.  

Special thanks go to Bashir Abu-Manneh and to Idriss Khalidi for involving me in this event.

Please circulate this information to anyone you think might be interested!


Here is the Zoom data:

Zoom Link:


Topic: Places of Mind Book Launch 

Time: Jul 29, 2021 06:00 PM Jerusalem

 

Join Zoom Meeting

https://qattanfoundation-org.zoom.us/j/93447252061?pwd=YVVCMmErMms5Sndyam1hYjZSQWFTUT09

 

Meeting ID: 934 4725 2061

Passcode: 436938



Conor






Monday 24 May 2021

Bob Dylan is a Zionist Cheerleader

 


Hi all my sandal-wearing, apple-juice-drinking, lentil-eating peace-loving and Bob-Dylan-worshipping friends i.e. most of the people in the world I care about -

Today is Bob Dylan's birthday.    I'd just like to remind you all of a particular song of Bob Dylan's, from his album Infidels, produced if memory serves by Mark Knopfler.  The song and the album appeared in 1983, about 15 months after Israel's invasion of Lebanon.   'Operation Peace for Galilee' organised and to some degree led by Ariel Sharon, who was Defence Minister in the Likud government of Menachem Begin, culminated in the summer-long siege and bombardment of Beirut, and the camp massacres at Sabra and Shatila.  Tens of thousands of innocent Lebanese and  Palestinians were killed or injured that summer.  Estimates vary but something between 800 and 3000 Palestinian and Lebanese civilians were slaughtered in the most brutal manner imaginable in the camps, over three terrifying days in mid-September.  The killings were carried out by Israel's Christian Phalange allies, led by the late Elia Hobeika.   The ghastly proceedings - documented unforgettably by the late Robert Fisk and by Jonathan Randal - were overseen, facilitated and watched by soldiers of the IDF, which had surrounded and controlled the camps.   The 'most moral army in the world' never lifted a finger to stop the butchery.

At this time, Bob Dylan, peacenik and anti-war campaigner, saw fit to release a song - 'Neighbourhood Bully' - of which the lyrics run as follows:

Well, the neighborhood bully, he's just one man
His enemies say he's on their land
They got him outnumbered about a million to one
He got no place to escape to, no place to run
He's the neighborhood bully.
The neighborhood bully he just lives to survive
He's criticized and condemned for being alive
He's not supposed to fight back, he's supposed to have thick skin
He's supposed to lay down and die when his door is kicked in
He's the neighborhood bully.
The neighborhood bully been driven out of every land
He's wandered the earth an exiled man
Seen his family scattered, his people hounded and torn
He's always on trial for just being born
He's the neighborhood bully.
Well, he knocked out a lynch mob, he was criticized
Old women condemned him, said he should apologize
Then he destroyed a bomb factory, nobody was glad
The bombs were meant for him. He was supposed to feel bad
He's the neighborhood bully.
Well, the chances are against it, and the odds are slim
That he'll live by the rules that the world makes for him
'Cause there's a noose at his neck and a gun at his back
And a license to kill him is given out to every maniac
He's the neighborhood bully.
Well, he got no allies to really speak of
What he gets he must pay for, he don't get it out of love
He buys obsolete weapons and he won't be denied
But no one sends flesh and blood to fight by his side
He's the neighborhood bully.
Well, he's surrounded by pacifists who all want peace
They pray for it nightly that the bloodshed must cease
Now, they wouldn't hurt a fly. To hurt one they would weep
They lay and they wait for this bully to fall asleep
He's the neighborhood bully.
Every empire that's enslaved him is gone
Egypt and Rome, even the great Babylon
He's made a garden of paradise in the desert sand
In bed with nobody, under no one's command
He's the neighborhood bully.
Now his holiest books have been trampled upon
No contract that he signed was worth that what it was written on
He took the crumbs of the world and he turned it into wealth
Took sickness and disease and he turned it into health
He's the neighborhood bully.
What's anybody indebted to him for?
Nothing, they say. He just likes to cause war
Pride and prejudice and superstition indeed
They wait for this bully like a dog waits for feed
He's the neighborhood bully.
What has he done to wear so many scars?
Does he change the course of rivers? Does he pollute the moon and stars?
Neighborhood bully, standing on the hill
Running out the clock, time standing still
Neighborhood bully.



It will be interesting to consider this song, in the days after the same 'neighbourhood bully' killed 254 Palestinians in Gaza over 11 blood-soaked days of aerial, naval and artillery bombardment, on Bob Dylan's official birthday.


Here is some more  reading on Bob Dylan's perfervid identification with Israel and with the Zionist right wing (including Meir Kahane's Kach party):

First, the  Institute of  Palestine Studies:



Next Al Jazeera:

And lastly, Electronic Intifada:


Many Happy Returns, Bob.



Conor

Monday 19 April 2021

Breaking the Silence - a Booklaunch

In a week when the ambassadors of Georgia and Ukraine have made a blundering effort to interfere with the work of a highly regarded Dublin City University professor of international relations, Donnacha O Beachain, it's nice to have an event to celebrate academic and scholarly vigilance.    In May 2020, Ronit Lentin, David Landy and I published Enforcing Silence: Academic Freedom, Palestine and the Criticism of Israel, a collection of essays by divers hands built in particular around the ways that the Israel lobby or Israel itself has sought to foreclose on dissent and boycott advocacy, frequently veiling such efforts with references to the need to protect academic freedom.  

On Thursday April 22, at 7pm, we are holding an online seminar to celebrate the book and its contributors.  Three of our colleagues - Arianne Shahvisi, John Reynolds and Yara Hawari - will speak on their work and there will be time for questions and discussion.     Everyone is welcome!

Zoom Link: https://tcd-ie.zoom.us/j/6576059321 Meeting ID: 657 605 9321



Enforcing Silence

Academic Freedom, Palestine and the Criticism of Israel

Edited by David Landy, Ronit Lentin, and Conor McCarthy

Situates the academic boycott of Israel in the broader context of academic freedom


Academic freedom is under siege, as our universities become the sites of increasingly fraught battles over freedom of speech. While much of the public debate has focussed on ‘no platforming’ by students, this overlooks the far graver threat posed by concerted efforts to silence the critical voices of both academics and students, through the use of bureaucracy, legal threats and online harassment. Such tactics have conspicuously been used, with particularly virulent effect, in an attempt to silence academic criticism of Israel.
This collection uses the controversies surrounding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a means of exploring the limits placed on academic freedom in a variety of different national contexts. It looks at how the increased neoliberalisation of higher education has shaped the current climate, and considers how academics and their universities should respond to these new threats. Bringing together new and established scholars from Palestine and the wider Middle East as well as the US and Europe, Enforcing Silence shows us how we can and must defend our universities as places for critical thinking and free expression.









Friday 9 April 2021

How horrible are academics, really?

The Minister for Higher Education Simon Harris (who at least is not quite as idiotic as his predecessor Mary Mitchell O'Connor, now mercifully excised from the Irish political scene) last year announced plans for new legislation on the governance of Irish universities.   The plan, presented as rationalisation (as so often), is to amend the Higher Education Authority Act (1971).   Elements of this proposed reform - hailed by government as the most important change to Irish higher education in 50 years - include a dramatic 'slimming down' of university governing bodies, the empowerment of the Minister to appoint a majority of non-university members to such boards, and legal structures to enable government review of university 'performance'.   

It's a sign of the sorry pass to which relationships between Irish universities, their academic staff and the state have come that such a proposal can even be considered.    The Minister betrays the profound ignorance of the nature of the university institution in general of his peers and his generation in the suggestion that universities need to be governed primarily by non-academic and non-university personnel.  And the posture of the universities shows how weak and ineffective scholars have come to be in representing their work, their interests, their contribution to society as anything other than the unwarranted privileges of whining irrelevant eggheads.  

The very 'idea of the university' is of a collective of independent and self-governing scholars.   Originally as in the case of the University of Bologna, widely reckoned the first university, the independence of scholars obtained particularly in relation to the Church and ecclesiastical powers.   Later, charters of independence were issued for universities by princes, prelates or the towns in which they located.  The first and most famous of these was the  Constituto Habita, adopted at Bologna in 1155, protecting the freedom of a travelling scholar, and conferring on such scholars freedom from reprisal and the right to be tried by their brethren.   This can be understood, therefore, as the foundational document of academic freedom, as we think of it today.  

The point here is that such freedom and the self-governance which flows from and protects that freedom, is fundamental to the notion of what a university is.   The difficulty, nowadays, is that universities have taken on the financial support of modern states and then more recently, as Western states have shrunk in the neoliberal era, universities have been encouraged to manage themselves as businesses and to seek and win the support of private capital.

So now in Ireland, we find the universities caught in a situation of structural contradiction.   The government seeks to enhance the power over universities of non-university and non-academic agents, both from the state and from private corporations, even as it withdraws funding from those same universities.   More control, less money.   

The control is potentially Stalinist in effect.   The government wishes the universities to be 'accountable' even as the monies thereby to be accounted for are becoming less and less.   This is not the first or the only recent government initiative vis-a-vis the universities which has authoritarian characteristics.   Last year, Ms Mitchell O'Connor announced the Senior Academic Leadership Initiative, which provides structures and funding for up to twenty professorships across the Irish university system, application for which will be restricted to women.   Efforts to achieve gender balance are admirable.  A scheme which allows government to reach into the heart of a university and shape the specifics of a core element of policy - recruitment - sets a very dangerous precedent.  

But Irish universities, even Trinity College Dublin, our oldest and most 'prestigious' university, where academic self-governance has been preserved more and for longer than elsewhere, are vulnerable to state meddling.   Academics sorely need to devise ways to explain and represent themselves to the society as a whole, showing that their activities - pedagogical, scholarly, experimental, critical - constitute an inestimable contribution to that society and need to be protected and respected as a public good and a crucial component of democracy itself.

An example of just how brilliantly such arguments can be made comes in the following blogpost by my friend and comrade Conrad Brunstrom, responding a few days ago to Minister Harris's latest announcements.  The link to his blog is posted here with Conrad's permission.   

Thursday 18 March 2021

At the Mur des Fédérés - remembering the Paris Commune




150 years ago, on March 18, 1871, the Paris Commune was declared.  France, under the benighted 'nephew', Napoleon III, had initiated a foolish 'war of choice' with Prussia in 1870, and had paid the price with the catastrophic defeat at Sedan, which led to the surrender and capture of the Emperor.  The Prussians accepted the surrender of Paris on January 28, 1871 and Adolphe Thiers, leader of the new French government, signed an armistice with the Prussians that disarmed the French Army.

But Paris was protected not by army regulars but by the National Guard.  On March 18, two French Army generals were killed by the  Paris Guard, in a dispute at Montmartre over the control of cannon mounted on the butte, and the city administration, the Commune, refused any longer to accept the authority of the Thiers government. The city's population, during the  Prussian siege, had been winnowed of many of its bourgeois or noble elements, which had deserted the city, while  it had taken in hundreds of thousands of refugees coming from Prussian-occupied regions of France.   The city's proletarian population was already highly politicized, seeking a much stronger level of control of the city's economy.   Among the political watchwords of the time was 'la république démocratique et sociale!', but the city's leftist political movements spanned a wide range of positions, from the 'radical republicans' under Clemenceau, to the followers of Blanqui.   The latter, though a small group (maybe one thousand activists) were armed and disciplined and formed the core of the Commune's leadership.




The Prussians created the opportunity for the Thiers government to assemble an army to retake Paris from the forces of the radicals and the workers.   The Army, under MacMahon, entered Paris on May 21, and ferocious street-fighting followed - la semaine sanglante.  The Tuileries Palace was burned, and then the Hotel de Ville.  Communards captured were summarily executed in the streets of the city.   The final fighting took place in and around the great cemetery of Pere Lachaise, in the northeast of the city.  Two hundred National Guardsmen held the graveyard, but they could not resist the Army as it used cannon to blow open the gates.  Hand-to-hand fighting amidst the graves ensued.   In the early evening, the Army had either killed or captured the Guardsmen.  147 were taken to the wall of the graveyard and executed in short order and without compunction; their bodies were flung into a mass grave at the foot of the wall.   



Estimates of casualties vary, but up to 20,000 Parisians died in the 'Bloody Week' and the events stand as a reminder of the ashen ruthlessness of the forces of French reaction - enabled by their Prussian foe to choke the brief flaring-out of a truly radical and bold new political experiment.  Even today, the Mur des Fédérés is a place both melancholy and stark.  Visiting in mid-winter a couple of years ago, I could feel the silence chill and palpable, as the great city surged just outside.

The Commune is much written about.  Marx penned his marvellous Civil War in France (see below), Zola - so brave in many other respects - denigrated it in La Débacle, and the great English historian of France, Alistair Horne, produced his Fall of Paris.   Commemoration of the Commune was for a long time a fixture in the calendars of the European Left - in Dublin, James Connolly and the Irish Socialist Republican Party used to organise ceremonies  of remembrance, and Connolly wrote about the Commune in The Workers' Republic (see Donal Fallon's brilliant article about the Commune and the Easter Rising below).  To this day, the Mur is a shrine of the French Left, depleted and divided as it now is.




Nowadays, the flame of the Commune and what it might have achieved is carried by writers such as Eric Hazan, or, in a different inflection, the brilliant English Marxist geographer,  David Harvey, whose voluminous writings about 'the capital of the nineteenth century' (Benjamin) constitute a fabulous resource for urban rebels everywhere.

Reading, and remembering: 


Kristin Ross: The contemporary relevance of the Paris Commune




Eric Hazan: 'Paris: the Commune overjoyed'



And Karl Marx


And Jenny Marx


Prosper-Olivier Lissagaray, author of one of the most popular histories of the Commune


From Jacobin:

The Paris Commune Is Still a Beacon for Radical Change






And a review of David Harvey's superb book, Paris: Capital of Modernity


Conor



Friday 5 March 2021

'The most revolutionary thing one can do is always to proclaim loudly what is happening' - learning from Rosa Luxemburg

 



Today is Rosa Luxemburg's 150th birthday.    Brilliant Polish Marxist, interlocutor of Lenin, Spartacist leader, theorist of imperialism, revolutionary, Rosa Luxemburg remains a burning image of radicalism and the intellectual life lived to the full.   Her conceptualization of strike, of the relation of reform to revolution, and of the pitfalls of national consciousness remain as important now as they were when she was brutally murdered and disposed of by the intransigent German Right.  

 

From Jacobin

Happy 150th Birthday, Rosa Luxemburg

How Rosa Luxemburg Taught Worker-Militants to Think Differently



Sunday 14 February 2021

Keem Bay - A Beast Approaches

 




When I was little, my mother Lavinia didn't have much money.   She never had a  lot of money but when I was little she was a separated single mum in Sixties Ireland and, though her parents and friends and employers were sympathetic and kind, things were lean.   Very few people that I knew then took foreign holidays - we had one epic sojourn in Washington DC, in the hot summer of 1968, thanks to the great generosity and tolerance of my aunt and uncle, who let us share their tiny flat in Silver Springs for several weeks.    But air travel was a rare and expensive privilege, and holidays were mostly in Ireland.  And for us, that meant Achill.  Achill is the  largest island off the  Irish coast, an island continuation of  the  Corraun peninsula in North Mayo, which pushes west of Mulrany, separating the sunny waters of Clew Bay from the more sombre Blacksod.   

On Achill, we stayed at the Amethyst Hotel, in the middle of Keel village.   The Amethyst was owned and run by Thea and Robert Boyd.  Thea ran the main part of the hotel on the southern side of the road, with many rooms and the extraordinary, almost mediaeval kitchen, and the large and beautiful dining room.  Robert ran the more raffish 'Annex',  which had  rooms but also a bar.   The Boyds were an interesting and attractive couple - highly cultured, humorous and gentle.  Mr Boyd was universally known as Captain Boyd, because of his Irish Army service.   Thea was an old friend of my grandmother's, and this was a draw.  So too was the advice of Susan Howe - now one of America's greatest poets - a dear friend of my mother and of my beloved aunt, who stayed, and painted, at the Amethyst.

The Amethyst was the kind of hotel/guesthouse which is marked profoundly by the personality of its owners.   It got a great deal of repeat custom - at one point, before the  Boyds' tenure it was home to Paul Henry, the artist who maybe more than any other invented 'the West of Ireland'.  People who became friendly with Thea - as my ma did, or was already - got to socialize with her around the large turf fire at one end of the dining room in the evenings.   Thea and Robert were walking repositories of Achill lore and history, a Church of Ireland couple who seemed never to have identified with the Protestant community of Dugort's famous 'colony', the C of I missionary settlement set up by Edward Nangle in the  nineteenth century, with its elegant L-shaped street nestled under the massive east ridge of Slievemore.   

Thea was endlessly generous to me and my mother.  She knew my mother had little money,  and almost certainly gave us reduced rates.  She would pick us up at Castlebar or Westport, when we came down by train (nearly 100 miles round trip from Keel) in her grey Cortina, and she routinely drove us all over the island.   When I had little boy's questions about gulls or cliffs or basking sharks, Thea would answer them with patience and always a slight twinkle in her eye, if there was a hint of oddity or humour in what I  was asking.   

So, thanks initially to the Boyds (and also their son, Ruairi, to whom I owe all my early experiences of proper mountain walking, both in Mayo and in Wicklow), and then to June Fielding, and more recently (i.e. over the last 25 years) to John and Elizabeth Barrett (relatives of the original owners of the Amethyst) of Bervie Guesthouse, also in Keel, Achill is a place imprinted on my imagination and on my soul, if I have one.   Its landforms, smells, buildings, village names, its weather, its rollicking roads with their every bump and rise and fall (and their terrifying Stygian ditches), its fields and bogs - these are part of my mental geography,  my cognitive mapping, and returning to Achill is always like meeting an old and cherished friend.

At the western end of Achill is to be found some of its finest scenery.  This is principally the mountain, or actually massif, of Croaghaun and its attendant ridges, lakes, bays, headlands and spurs.   Croaghaun, about 2200 feet high, is for  my money one of the grandest hills in the country - partly for the very complexity and variety of its topography, and partly because of its great northwest face, a two mile stretch of gaunt steep precipices which drop into the grim Atlantic from its very summits.   I remember the first time I climbed the mountain I went up alone from the western road, on Croaghaun's southern flank, and I went for its spectacular western summit, a dramatic blocky pinnacle of quartzite leaning over the empty dark air of the northwest face.   And there I met two Swiss lads, who were cock-a-hoop at having reached the summit.   We chatted away, and I was very struck at their excitement - after all  they came from the Alps.   But they stared at me when I mentioned this, and gestured around and down to the wrinkled crawling breakers half a mile away at the base of the huge wall and said, We have nothing like this!    Nothing of that combination of rough hill and big sea, which is what makes many places in the West of Ireland just so fine.   

These Swiss climbers would, therefore, be aghast, as  I am, at the resurrected plans of Mayo County Council for the 'development' of Keem Bay, a beautiful small cove on the southwest side of Croaghaun, sheltered under the spine of Moyteogue Head from the open Atlantic.  MCC has announced plans to refurbish the old Coast Watch hut on top of Moyteogue  and to build near it a ridiculous, intrusive and utterly unnecessary 'sky walk', a kind of all-glass box or tube walkway, cantilevered out from the cliff edge, so as to give visitors the sense of walking in mid-air in the most spectacular location imaginable.

Robert Lloyd Praeger, the great doyen of Irish botanists and a spiritual forefather, perhaps, of great recent writers about the West of Ireland like Tim Robinson (the finest writer in Ireland, in recent decades, if you ask me), wrote of Keem and  Moyteogue in his masterpiece The Way That I Went:

... what is perhaps the finest view in Achill can be obtained without the expenditure of energy required for the  ascent of  Croaghaun.  Take the path from Dooagh along the  steep hillside to the lovely sheltered  sandy bay of Keem.  And from there climb up the left-hand slope to the old coastguard watch-house, and walk westward along the edge of the thousand foot-precipice; you'll  obtain changing and ever-wonderful views of the  wild  cliffs of  Achill Head which will remain long in your memory.   

This is the holy place which Mayo County Council, in its Gradgrindian view of the  terrains of Achill, thinks it can 'improve' with its ludicrous 'development'.   It must be stopped.   

Please sign this petition (possibly set up by the brilliant Saoirse McHugh):

 https://www.change.org/p/mayo-county-council-save-keem-bay-achill-island-most-beautiful-beach-in-ireland-from-unnecessary-development?recruiter=false&utm_source=share_petition&utm_medium=twitter&utm_campaign=psf_combo_share_initial&recruited_by_id=2de83b30-6bbc-11eb-b19e-4d6c94432ab2


Please also write to Padraig Philbin, at Mayo County Council, to express your feelings at this vandalous and philistine project: pphilbin@MayoCoCo.ie


Conor